The shaykh Sidi Mohammad Ben Abdallah, also known under the name shaykh Lakhdar was the initiator of the eleven jawaharatu-l-kamali prayer of the tijaniyya muslim group at nioro du Sahel in the former french Sudan. That was in 1909. This singular branch of the tijaniyya is also linked to the name of the shaykh Hamahoullah or Hamallah who was the follower and the successor of the shaykh Lakhdar. From the political point of view, the emergence of the hamawiyya or hamallisme, squares with the setting up of the colonial administration after the conquest, and from the religious point of view, to the end of the jihad and the acceptance of the colonial situation by many muslim leaders. The refusal by the shaykh Hamahoullah of a colonial compromise and the activities of the hamawi, placed the tijaniyya hamawiyya in a warring situation against the french administration between 1925 and 1948. Following a conflict between several moorish tribes in the nioro and assaba districts in august 1940, the colonial administration took the advantage to put down the hamawiyya. This resulted in the confinement of the hamawiyya top leaders in various african prisons and in the death in prison in january 1943 of Hamahoullah. However, the hamawi took the advantage of the decolonization process in the late 1940s with the creation of political parties to develop new prospects and move towards the urban centres. In the post-colonial states, the attitude of tijaniyya hamawiyya zealots is devided between the reconciliation with the national umma and a rigid moralist position which would give it the image of a fundamentalist sect.
Insurgents have established bases in an important nature reserve spanning parts of Benin, Burkina Faso and Niger. They pose a growing danger to local ecosystems and people living around the park. The three countries need to collaborate more closely to keep the threat at bay.
The spiral of violence in the Sahel is threatening to engulf the biosphere reserve in the cross-border territory shared by Burkina Faso, Benin and Niger. The rising violence is causing massive displacement and all three countries should respond jointly by mobilising and coordinating state armed forces to protect affected populations. But a joint military response is not enough. The three states should also collaborate to address the root causes of the insecurity: the land and pastoralism crisis; inconsistency in the distribution of forest resources; and a poorly integrated approach to managing the biosphere reserve.
Le Wahhabisme est le dernier courant réformiste à s’être diffusé au Niger (en attendant le Schi’isme) : en effet, il ne s’y est véritablement implanté que durant les années 1980, lorsque le mouvement Izala d’inspiration wahhabite s’est diffusé du Nigeria au Niger, notamment à Maradi, par le biais d’un ancien élève d’Aboubacar Goumi, malam Chaïbou Ladan. Au niveau de Maradi, ce dernier, aidé par un riche commerçant, Elhaji Rabé Kané dan Tchadaoua, va favoriser l’implantation du mouvement Izala, non seulement en menant des waazi (prêches), mais aussi en organisant un réseau d’écoles coraniques. Ces “ izalistes ” vont être également à l’origine de la création d’une association islamique d’obédience wahhabite dénommée Adini Islam, qui représente à partir de 1993, la vitrine légale du mouvement izala au Niger.
In Niger, the marabout wields much of the power of the European Christian clergy of the Middle Ages, his outlook and many of his actions having not changed since. He has wide ranging powers emanating from his multi-faceted positions. In addition to being a religious man, he is a legal expert, teacher, doctor and magician, excluding other strictly secular jobs unconnected with his title which he can hold. This paper scrutinizes the diverse capacities of the marabout.
The rare literature on Islam in Niger that has addressed the contribution of Islamic organizations to the broad domain of development, has most often focused on the controversies involving these organizations, their elite entrepreneurs on one side, and state officials on the other side. Criticism and rejection have not been the only attitudes toward state-sponsored initiatives. Participation has also been a pattern of these interactions. Whether with family planning or HIV/AIDs projects, ulama have contributed if not to run these initiatives, at least to raise awareness among communities across the country. In addition to local organizations, many international Islamic agencies have initiated several well-digging programs, charity programs and assistance to undertrained young Nigeriens. This has given “Islamic development” a materiality since the emergence of an Islamic sphere seeking to provide Islam with a normative role in all domains of public life. For a long time development has remained the preserve of the state, in particular because of the theoretical assumption that state mediates development. With the emergence of a civil society in the 1990s, this statist consideration gave way to the philosophies of “local development” stressing the local appropriation of development initiatives. With the idea of doing Aid and assistance the Islamic way, a universe of discourse has opened up enriching the problematic of development by emphasizing the faith factor. This contribution looks at how Islamic development actors intend to promote and mediate development by focusing on communication, managerial skills and ethics.
Ce livre s’inscrit dans le cadre d’une réflexion globale, sur les pratiques identitaires en Afrique musulmane en général et sur la capacité de transformation des sociétés musulmanes par le biais de l’école en particulier. En effet, le religieux dans l’Afrique subsaharienne est producteur de sens et instrument de reconstruction identitaire. Les auteurs montrent que dans les pays subsahariens - tels que le Niger -, qui n’ont pas la capacité de répondre à la demande éducative des différents groupes socio-linguistiques ou de scolariser l’ensemble des enfants vivant à l’intérieur de leurs frontières, une vision moderne de l’école coranique est en train de se mettre en place au niveau de la société civile.
Engaging Modernity is Ousseina Alidou's rich and compelling portrait of Muslim women in Niger as they confront the challenges and opportunities of the twentieth century. Contrary to Western stereotypes of passive subordination, these women are taking control of their own lives and resisting domination from indigenous traditions, westernization, and Islam alike.
Based on thorough scholarly research and extensive fieldwork-including a wealth of interviews—Alidou's work offers insights into the meaning of modernity for Muslim women in Niger. Mixing biography with sociological data, social theory, and linguistic analysis, this is a multilayered vision of political Islam, education, popular culture, and war and its aftermath. A gripping look at one of the Muslim world's most powerful untold stories.
Cet article expose la situation de l'enseignement dans la ville de Maradi en pays haoussa au Niger. Après avoir dégagé les problèmes qui résultent de la paupérisation de deux modes de scolarisation (écoles primaires officielles et écoles coraniques privées), l'auteur met en évidence la dynamique de leur reformulation par le biais des politiques d'éducation de l'État nigérien et des instances internationales (Banque mondiale et FMI), mais également par celui des stratégies éducatives des parents d'élèves. Il montre de quelle manière des reprises d'initiatives peuvent être engendrées par la société civile dans le champ scolaire lorsque l'État n'a pas les moyens de répondre à la demande éducative, et quelles sont les stratégies développées par certains acteurs de la société civile pour réajuster leur propre demande dans le cadre législatif de cet État. L'auteur note en particulier une résurgence de l'enseignement islamique, face à une demande croissante de la population en faveur de la religion. Il en résulte une reformulation à la fois de l'école primaire et de l'école coranique vers une école franco-arabe qui est plus en mesure de prendre en compte pratiques et représentations de la modernité et de la tradition.
Barbara M. Cooper looks closely at the Sudan Interior Mission, an evangelical Christian mission that has taken a tenuous hold in a predominantly Hausa Muslim area on the southern fringe of Niger. Based on sustained fieldwork, personal interviews, and archival research, this vibrant, sensitive, compelling, and candid book gives a unique glimpse into an important dimension of religious life in Africa. Cooper's involvement in a violent religious riot provides a useful backdrop for introducing other themes and concerns such as Bible translation, medical outreach, public preaching, tensions between English-speaking and French-speaking missionaries, and the Christian mission's changing views of Islam.
While jihadism appears to be on the rise in Africa, the explanations of violent extremist groups’ capacity to foment jihadi insurgencies and mobilize recruits remain poorly understood. Recent studies have challenged the assumption that the rise of jihadism in Africa is the result of poor governance in areas of limited state reach, highlighting instead the significance of the (perception of) abuses perpetrated by state authorities. Looking at collective action and its structural determinants, it is rather state action—and not the lack thereof—that best explains the capacity of mobilization of jihadi insurgencies in African borderlands. In order to test this theory in a least-likely case, the article explores the genealogy and evolution of the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS), mobilizing extensive qualitative evidence. Borrowing the analytical framework from civil war studies, it argues that the contentious political dynamics observed in Niger’s borderlands amount to a case of symmetric non-conventional warfare, where abuses perpetrated by state proxies trigger an escalation of homegrown terrorism. It therefore supplies a further specification of the theories investigating the complex interplay between the processes of jihadi mobilization/rebel governance and the practices of counter-terrorism in weak states.
Niger most often comes into the public eye as an example of deprivation and insecurity. Urban centers have become concentrated areas of unemployment filled with young men trying, against all odds, to find jobs and fill their time with meaningful occupations. At the heart of Adeline Masquelier’s groundbreaking book is the fada—a space where men gather to escape boredom by talking, playing cards, listening to music, and drinking tea. As a place in which new forms of sociability and belonging are forged outside the unattainable arena of work, the fada has become an integral part of Niger’s urban landscape. By considering the fada as a site of experimentation, Masquelier offers a nuanced depiction of how young men in urban Niger engage in the quest for recognition and reinvent their own masculinity in the absence of conventional avenues to self-realization. In an era when fledgling and advanced economies alike are struggling to support meaningful forms of employment, this book offers a timely glimpse into how to create spaces of stability, respect, and creativity in the face of diminished opportunities and precarity.
The processes surrounding the elaboration of democracy in Muslim societies can be examined via a comparative consideration of three West African countries: Senegal, Mali, and Niger. Departing from analyses that ask whether democracy can be established in Muslim societies, the key question is how the democratic question is framed and discussed in such religious contexts. The launching of African democratic experiments in the 1990s provoked significant negotiation and discussion both within religious society and between religious groups and the secular elite about the desired substance of democracy. These processes have gradually empowered Muslim majorities to challenge and nuance the agenda presented at the transitions, but this is a direct outcome of the democratic process itself.
Spirit possession ostensibly solves problems by freeing the object of possession from certain responsibilities, yet it also creates a whole nexus of unavoidable obligations as the human host learns to cope with the social, financial, and moral demands of her powerful alter ego. Rather than simplifying situations, possession complicates them by introducing new relations and enabling new forms of communication. In this article, I explore what bori possession as communication entailed for a young Mawri woman from Dogondoutchi (Niger) when her possessing spirit made dramatic revelations that forced her to make changes in her life. I show that possession opens up a space of self-awareness for mediums as they struggle to gain progressive control over the terms of their relationships with spirits. In this space of reflexivity they help create and in their role as interlocutors, accusers, or diviners, spirits play a crucial role in the refashioning of human histories and identities.
Ce livre réunit pour la première fois la totalité des textes chantés au cours d'une cérémonie d'initiation ('girkaa') au culte de possession 'bòorii' des Hausa de la région de Maradi au Niger. La cérémonie dont traite le livre a eu lieu entre le 6 et le 14 novembre 1979 à Aderawa, petit village de 500 habitants, à 5 km au sud de Maradi. Chaque chant n'apparaît que dans une forme plus ou moins abstraite. Bien que chaque vers puisse être répété plusieurs fois, il ne figure dans ce livre qu'une seule fois. De même, seuls les vers chantés pas le 'mài gòogee' (soliste) sont reproduits; les autres joueurs se contentent dans la plupart des cas d'une répétition du texte proposé par le soliste. Les textes sont présentés en hausa avec une traduction française.