This paper analyzes the trajectories of West African students in Turkey over the last two decades. These study mobilities were initiated by the Turkish government's policy of internationalization, which allowed thousands of young people to leave for Ankara, Istanbul or Konya, making Turkey a new player on the global scene of educational exchanges. The students experienced in Turkey a society that was little open to the outside world, but also created cultural and economic exchanges with Africa. The analysis of their mobility thus helps to counterbalance the idea of the negative impact of the brain drain on their countries of origin.
As a counterpoint to the research on Muslims in Côte d'Ivoire, this article takes a spatial approach by focusing on the building that best symbolizes the followers of the Islamic faith, namely the mosque. In this place of worship, it focuses on an aspect of the life of Muslim communities that is rarely mentioned in the scientific literature: palavers inside the mosque. Indeed, due to its centrality in the life of the Muslim community, the mosque is not immune to conflicts of interest. This situation makes the mosque a space where society is at stake. Far from being exhaustive, this article focuses on it by drawing up a typology. Following a long-term approach, it traces the plural context of the emergence of these community frictions and presents the protagonists. It evokes the role of public authorities (State, traditional authorities, bodies in charge of Muslim community life) in the occurrence and/or management of these crises as well as that of the followers. It also analyses the religious, political, socio-cultural and, above all, economic logics underlying these conflicts.
For the fulfillment of their daily prayers, muslims build their mosques. These muslim religious building abound, often so uncontrolled, at a rate of the establishment of new communities in Abidjan areas. Symbol of the islamic presence, these mosques differ from each other depending on the funds injected into their building. With imported from arab countries architectures, mosques in Abidjan express most of the muslim community issues, they are religious, educative, socials and economical.
This article focuses on the use of digital media in the religious practices of Muslims in Côte d'Ivoire, within the context of increased visibility of Islam in public space since the onset of political pluralism in 1990. It sheds light on the coming of Muslim in the media and digital age, marked by a plurality of channels of communication including Facebook, the social network with the largest amount of users in this West African country. Following a descriptive rather than a theoretical approach, this study analyzes Muslims online activities (meetings, exchanges, da'wa, etc.) through the multiple opportunities offered by Facebook.
In western Africa, Islam has a renewed vitality in recent decades. Sociopolitical events illustrate this well, even if they are evolving from one country to another. Côte d'Ivoire doesn't escape to this reality. Côte d'Ivoire doesn't escape this reality, with a Muslim community moving from a marginal position to an active social force, led by arabised intellectuals (or not) engaged in the promotion of Islam in sectors of activity where they were previously absents : the humanitarian service. This involvement in this field is part from a political-military crisis in which the living conditions of a large part of the population were not good. This contribution will analyze how, in the absence of transnational Islamic organizations, local actors have succeeded in investing the charitable field by providing assistance to their coreligionists and ta- king advantage of this breach to position themselves in the public space.
La situation sécuritaire dans le Sahel central est à ce point dégradée que la menace djihadiste déborde désormais sur la partie nord des pays côtiers d'Afrique de l'Ouest. Les régions de l'Est et des Cascades au Burkina Faso ou celles de Sikasso et de Kayes au Mali constituent des bases arrière permettant aux groupes djihadistes – et principalement à la Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) pour l'instant – de s'étendre au Bénin, en Côte d'Ivoire, et dans une moindre mesure au Togo, au Ghana, au Sénégal et en Guinée. Cette excroissance territoriale djihadiste va progressivement donner naissance à des foyers djihadistes de plus en plus endogènes dans ces États, composés de recrues locales et qui se nourrissent des fragilités propres aux territoires où ils se développent : tensions d'accès aux ressources, stigmatisation communautaire potentiellement exacerbée par des groupes d'autodéfense, existence de réseaux criminels prompts à se « djihadiser ». La propagation de l'idéologie djihadiste depuis le Sahel central au-delà des frontières sud constitue le moteur permettant d'exploiter et de transformer les frustrations et les injustices qui découlent de ces situations de fragilité. Comme au Sahel central où les autorités ont pris trop tardivement conscience de cette réalité. Pour les pays côtiers d'Afrique de l'Ouest, où la menace reste encore contenue en intensité et limitée géographiquement, il est encore temps de prévenir une dégradation de la situation sécuritaire. Pour cela, les autorités de ces États doivent aligner des réponses civiles et militaires qui soient adaptées à la nature de la menace et qui réduisent de façon radicale l'ampleur de ces fragilités.
This article discusses the reform of Koranic schools in Côte d'Ivoire and Senegal, West African coastal countries with a predominantly Muslim populations. From a diachronic approach of the evolution of this education level, this comparative contribution analyzes the reactions that this educational policy has aroused as well among the Muslim actors, the public administrative services and the NGOs established in these countries. In a context where these educational modernization reforms have contributed to debates between Islamic organizations and state authorities.
La gestion de la Covid-19 dans l'enseignement africain conduit à s'interroger sur la place des organisations internationales, de la communauté éducative et des autorités locales dans la construction d'un système éducatif résilient. Il ne s'agit pas seulement d'ajuster l'offre et la demande d'éducation, mais aussi de construire un système de gouvernance qui tire le meilleur profit des interventions de chaque partenaire, du local au mondial.