Drawing on ethnographic field research conducted in the cities of Bouaké and Abidjan in Côte d’Ivoire between 2011 and 2017, this chapter examines the recent growth and institutionalization of Islamic voluntary, humanitarian and charity actions. The past two decades have been marked by the multiplication of formal and legally recognized Islamic NGOs in the country. The chapter focuses on the transformation of Islamic charity work and the emergent ethics of volunteerism that stems out of the institutionalization of Islamic charity. Contemporary Ivorian Islamic NGOs adhere to an ethic of volunteerism that builds on older-standing Islamic charitable principles based on personal zakât and sadaqqa donations. The emergent ethics of volunteerism emphasizes values of self-responsibilization, individual accountability and long-term development that converge with neoliberal development logics and prioritize private entrepreneurship while transferring responsibilities for humanitarian assistance to communities and individuals.
Cette chronique dresse un état des lieux des relations politico-religieuses en Côte d’Ivoire avant et après les élections présidentielles d’octobre 2020, en forme de bilan, après une décennie de régime Ouattara. Elle documente en premier lieu la relative perte d’influence des chefs religieux dans l’espace public, dominé plus manifestement que par le passé par les chefs politiques. Elle questionne en particulier le lien entre un mimétisme grandissant des autorités religieuses vis-à-vis du modus operandi des autorités politiques et l’érosion de leur crédibilité. L’article chronique ensuite la reprise d’initiative œcuménique de nombreux guides religieux qui ont formé, dans la dernière ligne droite des semaines précédant le scrutin, une « Alliance des religions en faveur de la paix » pour contribuer à l’apaisement d’un climat sociopolitique devenu houleux et violent. La conclusion interroge la critique latente du public des fidèles envers ses élites et son cheminement vers des initiatives possiblement émancipatrices mais très incertaines.
Religious communities in Côte d’Ivoire have received state operating FM radio frequency concessions. Thus appear in the Ivorian media space and especially in Abidjan, Radio Espoir and the Voix de l’Evangile of the Catholic Church, Radio Al Bayan of the Muslim Community of Côte d'Ivoire and Fréquence Vie of Protestant and evangelical churches. With varying opportunities, the three radios will evolve in two specific socio-political contexts. The first '90 to 2000 is marked by the quest for democracy. The second, from September 2002, is marked by a political and military crisis. These two periods also correspond to two generations of leaders and managers. In this situation of social crisis and widespread political, religious radios become spaces of collective expression and distribution channels appreciated by the population.
The shaykh Sidi Mohammad Ben Abdallah, also known under the name shaykh Lakhdar was the initiator of the eleven jawaharatu-l-kamali prayer of the tijaniyya muslim group at nioro du Sahel in the former french Sudan. That was in 1909. This singular branch of the tijaniyya is also linked to the name of the shaykh Hamahoullah or Hamallah who was the follower and the successor of the shaykh Lakhdar. From the political point of view, the emergence of the hamawiyya or hamallisme, squares with the setting up of the colonial administration after the conquest, and from the religious point of view, to the end of the jihad and the acceptance of the colonial situation by many muslim leaders. The refusal by the shaykh Hamahoullah of a colonial compromise and the activities of the hamawi, placed the tijaniyya hamawiyya in a warring situation against the french administration between 1925 and 1948. Following a conflict between several moorish tribes in the nioro and assaba districts in august 1940, the colonial administration took the advantage to put down the hamawiyya. This resulted in the confinement of the hamawiyya top leaders in various african prisons and in the death in prison in january 1943 of Hamahoullah. However, the hamawi took the advantage of the decolonization process in the late 1940s with the creation of political parties to develop new prospects and move towards the urban centres. In the post-colonial states, the attitude of tijaniyya hamawiyya zealots is devided between the reconciliation with the national umma and a rigid moralist position which would give it the image of a fundamentalist sect.
The walking of Ivory Coast between 1990 and 2010 is marked by crises with political character and religious. The country crossed two black decades when the religious membership and the cultural origin were at the heart of the political fact. The political leaders instrumented and exploited the ethnico-religious fiber in the optics to quench their ambitions. Their religious politics centred on the exploitation of the religious feelings will consist in establishing ambivalent relations with the religion. If president Bédié, in spite of its politics of ivoirité source of frustration and social division, led several operations of seduction towards the Muslims in particular, Laurent Gbagbo, as for him, will make the promotion of the Pentecostalism which he will invite in the political arena by making of men of God, ministers and prophets of the influential members of his seraglio. Following the example of his predecessors, he will not however neglect, to make benefit in the Muslim community his "generosity".
This study examines the origins and development of the community of Hamawi Sufis that formed around Yacouba Sylla in French West Africa beginning in 1929. Based on research in the French, Senegalese, Malian, Ivoirien and Mauritanian archives, as well as on an analysis of the oral traditions of the “Yacoubist” community itself, the study uses the group's past to shed light on several aspects of the history of French West Africa. It argues that Yacouba Sylla and his followers played important roles in the evolution of French Muslim policy in the 1930s, in the transformation of the economy of Côte d'Ivoire in the 1940s, and in the struggles over self-governance and independence in French West Africa in the 1950s. Many of Yacouba's early followers were former slaves and casted persons, and the dissertation raises questions about the cultural and social meanings of emancipation by interrogating common assumptions about the processes by which slavery came to an end in West Africa. In particular, it explores the social meanings and uses of memories of dependency among former slaves and casted persons, as well as among former masters, “freeborn” nobles and colonial analysts. The study fuses social and intellectual history, devoting equal attention to the ideational and spiritual aspects of the Yacoubists' religious beliefs, to the social and cultural contexts that made those beliefs meaningful, and to the questions of power that surrounded their representation. Finally, it highlights an underappreciated methodological point about the sources of African history. The practices of knowledge production in the colonial administration were such that African informants and political elites actively manipulated the creation of the “colonial library” in their efforts to appropriate the power of the state. Seen in this light, colonial archives reveal themselves to be largely “African” sources that can be read according to methodologies analogous to the analysis of oral traditions.
Depuis le milieu du XXème siècle, l'Islam est en pleine transformation en Côte d'Ivoire sous l'impulsion d'intellectuels formés non plus suivant le modèle traditionnel des marabouts (karamogo), mais conformément aux normes éducatives des prestigieuses universités du monde· arabe-musulman. Ils se caractérisent par un savoir qui s'énonce essentiellement en arabe. Cette élite . ivoirienne agit dans un domaine purement religieux où elle appelle au retour d'une pratique islamique purifiée, débarrassée des coutumes et des . innovations, mais conforme aux sources originelles de l'Islam (le Coran et la Sunna). Cela, indépendamment de la maîtrise de la langue utilisée pour exprimer ces idées. L'apparition de ces intellectuels musulmans arabophones, nantis d'idées novatrices, apporte de profonds bouleversements dans le développement de l'islam en Côte d'Ivoire. Dans ce pays, l'islam amorce ainsi un nouveau tournant. Les manifestations les plus significatives de ce "réveil" résident dans la plus grande visibilité de l'Islam, le développement communautaire et organisationnel de l'Islam en Côte d'Ivoire: le Conseil Supérieur des Imams (COSIM) et le Conseil National Islamique (CNI) représentent des interlocuteurs privilégiés de la communauté musulmane auprès de l'Etat et auprès des institutions internationales islamiques.
Entre un passé compliqué et un futur incertain, comment vivre au mieux avec soi-même ? Pour répondre à cette question, l’ouvrage explore les constructions de soi de trois types de spécialistes rituels mandingues : les donsow (les chasseurs), les basitigiw (les féticheurs) et les jinatigiw (les maîtresses des génies). Il analyse la relation entre ces spécialistes et les entités – êtres de la brousse, choses-dieux et génies urbains – que leur pratique fait émerger. Il vise à saisir, par ce biais, ce que fait le rituel, comment il le fait, et ainsi à améliorer notre compréhension de ce mode d’engagement particulier. Afin d’en appréhender le rôle dans la fabrique du religieux, le regard est porté sur la dimension matérielle de cette fabrique : ingrédients des sacrifices, couleurs des habits qui plaisent aux génies, tonalité baroque prisée par les « nouveaux entrepreneurs religieux » qui excellent dans l’usage du « faux authentique », et, surtout, sur le corps des experts, qu’ils soient à la chasse, en transe, ou engagés dans un chair à chair avec certains objets-sujets ou avec des « personnes qui ne sont pas des personnes ». Le déplacement des conditions d’intentionnalité ou d’agentivité que ces spécialistes opèrent à travers leurs pratiques leur permet-il de modifier durablement leur rapport au monde, de se constituer en des sujets « virtuoses », d’agrandir leurs marges de liberté ? Ces pratiques, qui contribuent à l’émergence de la sphère a-islamique, se constituant dès les années 1990 face aux pratiques associées à l’islam, modifient-elles les rapports de force et de genre en place dans les sociétés africaines de ce début du xxie siècle ?
The article questions the changing forms of French-speaking Islam in Côte d'Ivoire since they first coalesced in the 1970s, with emphasis on the past fifteen years. It argues that French-speaking Islam is a double-edged phenomenon insofar as it appears both tangible with its increasing visibility in public space, and concurrently restricted due to constraints limiting its development in certain local, private and written contexts. To explore these ambivalences, the methodology puts emphasis on questioning as opposed to categorical analyses, and on case studies as opposed to synthesis. The article also crosses the viewpoints of a Muslim militant-cum-intellectual and a researcher in social sciences in the hope to enrich and nuance the inquiry.
During the French colonial administration of Cote d’Ivoire, two educational systems coexisted: the western type of education and the Quranic schools. Based and organized around the Koran, the later was devoted to the promotion Islam and the spread of Islamic civilization. Introduced in Cote d’Ivoire from the northern region before the fifteenth (XVth) century, Islam spreads all over the colony through trade carried out by the Mande and Dioula networks (formed of traders, marabouts, etc.) under French colonial administration control. This study takes into consideration the Islamic education in a context of close religious control by French colonial administration in Cote d’Ivoire. Through a diachronic analysis, this paper intends to dynamically study the relationship between Islamic education and the French colonial administration in Cote d’Ivoire by highlighting the the French Muslim policy in its implementation in a broad context of social religious order in western Africa.
This chapter evaluates how measures of confinement imposed by the government and adapted by Muslim communities generated new forms of Islamic socialisation and the organisation of worship (sermons, sessions of tafsir, etc.) on the web, in a religious context characterised by competing ideological currents. In fact, Covid-19 has created an unprecedented health crisis in Côte d’Ivoire. Like most countries affected by this pandemic, the Ivorian authorities have implemented response strategies ranging from the establishment of a night curfew, the exhortation to stay at home and the isolation of the city of Abidjan, pandemic epicentre which registered more than half of the 1000 patients at the end of April 2020. Muslim community organisations reacted to these preventative measures by deciding to close mosques and by taking other measures aimed at restricting religious activities. In this context of social distancing promoted by confinement, the digital media have proven to be a considerable contribution towards ensuring the continuity of Islamic activities and the maintenance of social ties. Facebook, an online meeting platform with more than 3 million subscribers in this West African country in 2017, served as a channel for restoring community life. On this social network where religious leaders, young influencers and Muslim media (radio and newspaper) have accounts followed by thousands of subscribers, messages and videos that are usually oriented towards da’wa (Arabic term for “call to Islam” Arabic) now include information and attempts to sensitise Muslims to measures to control the spread of Covid-19.
Cet article revient sur les événements issus du second tour des élections présidentielles du 28 novembre 2010, lesquels ont replongé la Côte d'Ivoire dans le spectre de la guerre civile. Le texte est à la fois un engagement dans la dénonciation des exactions commises par les forces loyales au président sortant Laurent Gbagbo et un essai d'analyse des mécanismes des violences en cours.
Cette étude retrace à grands traits les trajectoires locales des mouvements réformistes ivoiriens, ghanéens et béninois, leurs ouvertures à l’international et leurs éventuelles convergences, dans le contexte des grandes villes côtières que sont Abidjan, Accra, Cotonou et Porto Novo. Il s’agit de poser quelques jalons pour une histoire des mouvements islamiques sur la côte de Guinée en s’attachant de manière privilégiée à la mouvance islamique dite « réformiste », appellation générique faisant ici référence aux individus, associations, écoles, activités ou médias musulmans non identifiés par une allégeance soufie. Ce terme, que les intéressés n’utilisent jamais, permet néanmoins d’identifier une « communauté de savoir » dont l’importance relative et la visibilité surtout urbaine, n’ont cessé de s’accentuer sur la scène islamique depuis les années 1970 et plus encore 1990. Mais les mouvements réformistes sur la côte de Guinée restent foncièrement pluriels et singulièrement autonomes.
In this article, we tackle the relationship between youth and reform in Islam. We propose here to examine the various ways in which young Muslims shape their references to Islam in Côte-d'Ivoire since the 1990s. While the religious activism of young Muslims in the 1990s is relatively well documented, the relationship to Islam by young men and women coming out of the post-2002 military and political crisis is much less known. In fact, as of the 1990s, two figures and two ways of being a young Muslim in Côte-d'Ivoire emerge : the activist that prevails in the 1990s and the « entrepreneur » that gained grounds in the first decade of the 21st century. Even if our analysis fits in the diachronic frame of these two figures, it will relate specifically to the experience, the ways of being Muslim and the religious imaginary of young Muslims ensuing from the post-2002 military and political crisis. We intend to circumscribe the main component of the moralization logic put forth by these young men and women. The discussion stems out of an ethnographic study conducted in 2008 in the cities of Bouaké and Abidjan, with an emphasis on the life trajectories of young Muslim men and women.