‘Ideologies need enemies to thrive, religion does not'. Using the Sahel as a source of five comparative case studies, this volume aims to engage in the painstaking task of disentangling Islam from the political ideologies that have issued from its theologies to fight for governmental power and the transformation of society. While these ideologies tap into sources of religious legitimacy, the author shows that they are fundamentally secular or temporal enterprises, defined by confrontation with other political ideologies–both progressive and liberal–within the arena of nation states. Their objectives are the same as these other ideologies, i.e., to harness political power for changing national societies, and they resort to various methods of persuasion, until they break down into violence.
The two driving questions of the book are, whence come these ideologies, and why do they–sometimes–result in violence? Ideologies of Salafi radicalism are at work in the five countries of the Sahel region, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, (Northern) Nigeria and Senegal, but violence has broken out only in Mali and Northern Nigeria. Using a theoretical framework of ideological development and methods of historical analysis, Idrissa traces the emergence of Salafi radicalism in each of these countries as a spark ignited by the shock between concurrent processes of Islamization and colonization in the 1940s. However, while the spark eventually ignited a blaze in Mali and Nigeria, it has only led to milder political heat in Niger and Senegal and has had no burning effect at all in Burkina Faso. By meticulously examining the development of Salafi radicalism ideologies over time in connection with developments in national politics in each of the countries, Idrissa arrives at compelling conclusions about these divergent outcomes. Given the many similarities between the countries studied, these divergences show, in particular, that history, the behaviour of state leaders and national sociologies matter–against assumptions of ‘natural' contradictions between religion (Islam) and secularism or democracy.
This volume offers a new perspective in discussions on ideology, which remains–as is shown here–the independent variable of many key contemporary political processes, either hidden in plain sight or disguised in a religious garb.
On his way back from his first travels to the interior of the Gambia, Mungo Park describes a ‘schoolmaster' who entertained him in the Mandingo country while his principal host was on a slave purchasing expedition. The school of this master consisted of seventeen boys who ‘always had their lessons by the light of a large fire before daybreak and again late in the evening' and who ‘were employed in planting corn, bringing firewood, and in other servile offices, through the day' (Park, 1799: 313–14). Such rural institutions combining elementary Islamic education and farm production must then have existed in the coastal areas of West Africa for at least two centuries, and spread to other parts of Africa as a result of Islamic expansion. They were agents of proselytization and further Islamization. Consequently Quranic schools are often discussed primarily in their relation to Islamic history. In the present day, however, they continue in some areas as viable alternatives to western-style schools and as units of agricultural production. This paper, which stems from research I conducted in the southern part of central Upper Volta on household farms and wealth stratification, underscores the dual function of these farm schools.
Faced with jihadist breakthrough in Burkina Faso, neighbouring states in West Africa's Gulf of Guinea increasingly fear attacks in their own territories. These countries should improve intelligence sharing, strengthen border controls and regain the trust of local populations.
Jihadist violence in the West African Sahel has now spread to the north of Burkina Faso. The response of Ouagadougou and its partners must go beyond the obvious religious and security dimensions of the crisis, and any solution must take into account deep-rooted social and local factors.
In Western Burkina-Faso, some twenty ethnic groups intertwine in such a way that in some villages two or three ethnic groups can be found together. Nowadays, with the arrival of new migrants in cotton growing areas, more than ten different ethnic groups can be found in big villages. However, in spite of this ethnic rainbow, toponomy demonstrates a strong jula influence. The author tries to explain this toponymy through historical factors.
In recent years, Muslim associations in Burkina Faso have undergone a major transformation, driven by the development of the transnational dimension of Islam and a more direct involvement of this religion in the socio-political life of the country. In this article, through the description and analysis of three different Islamic associations, we will try to understand the deep reasons of such evolution, and study the strategies put in place by the religious authorities in order to restructure their zawiyas and reposition them in the public sphere. In this framework, we will also describe the personal trajectory of some religious leaders and propose a possible classification of the aforementioned associations.
Darsalamy is one of the few places in Burkina Faso that were intentionally founded by and for Muslims who wanted to keep a distance from non-Muslims and from practices considered as pagan. Jula Muslims who left Bobo-Dioulasso at the end of the 19th century in order to found Darsalamy wanted to inhabit a place that was not "contaminated" by non-Muslim ways of life such as mask dances. This emigration coincided with the events that shook the entire region: the jihad of Umar Tall, the wars of Samori Touré and the arrival of the Europeans. These events changed the relationship between Muslim scholars, their allies and protectors and the local elites of Bobo-Dioulasso.
Vers 1920, dans le Yatenga, en pays mossi (Burkina Faso) un homme, Aboubakr Sawadogo, revient dans son pays après un long périple à pied qui en plusieurs années le conduira à la Mecque. De son pèlerinage, il acquiert un savoir religieux et un prestige symbolique considérable. Il est désormais le cheikh Aboubakr. Entouré de ses premiers adeptes, prêchant un islam combatif à l'égard des traditions de la société mossi, il s'inscrit dans le sillage de la Tijânyya hamalliste des « onze grains ». C'est alors qu'il formule le projet d'une ville auréolée de la sainteté : Ramatoulaye. Pour cela, il n'hésitera pas à bousculer l'organisation de la société mossi, dont son système de parenté.
Cet ouvrage repose sur une recherche de long terme menée dans la ville sainte. Aujourd'hui dirigée par le troisième successeur du fondateur, Ramatoulaye continue à attirer des fidèles. La célébration du Mouloud voit des milliers de pèlerins accourir du Burkina Faso, de la Côte d'Ivoire, du Mali, du Ghana et d'ailleurs. La ville apparaît comme un modèle en matière de sécurité des personnes et des biens, mais aussi de sécurité alimentaire et d'ordre. Pour combien de temps, les règles de conduite imposées par le fondateur – la séparation des sexes, l'interdiction du football, en passant par la méfiance à l'égard des images et de la musique, par exemple – parviendront-elles à régir l'ordre social de Ramatoulaye ? Pour combien de temps l'économie religieuse fondée sur le Mouloud, l'offre d'enseignement et les dons parviendra-t-elle à garantir la pérennité de la ville ?
Pour répondre au défi de son devenir, la confrérie a élargi depuis des années ses liens avec l'État burkinabé et a multiplié ses relations internationales. Elle est ainsi confrontée à des choix politiques et à des tactiques conséquentes. Elle se trouve également immergée dans les dynamiques de l'islam mondial, face à la confrontation entre spiritualisme mystique et néosalafisme. La confrérie et ses dirigeants sont mis au défi de gérer les changements, de parvenir à échapper à la routinisation du charisme et de renouveler leur vision spirituelle.
La présente contribution porte sur Islam Solidaire, une association d'étudiants musulmans fondée par des descendants de migrants burkinabè en Côte d'Ivoire, venus à Ouagadougou pour étudier et désormais installés dans cette ville. Créée à partir de deux référents identitaires communs à ses fondateurs, l'expérience migratoire en Côte d'Ivoire et l'islam, cette structure s'inscrit dans le dynamisme des associations estudiantines du début des années 2000 et dans la pluralité religieuse burkinabè. L'article propose d'analyser les problématiques rencontrées par ces étudiants souvent appelés « diaspos » et la façon dont ils trouvent leur place dans le contexte actuel de la société burkinabè en mettant au premier plan l'islam comme une ressource dans leurs trajectoires marquées par des mobilités sociales et géographiques.
This article evaluates the importance of inter-religious dialogue within young people's religious associations in Ougadougou, Burkina Faso. Burkina Faso is frequently extolled for its harmonious relations in terms of religion. However, inter-confessional dialogue, demanded by the country's elites, is appropriated in a different way by the core religious actors, notably the young. If some of them adhere to the objectives of dialogue and argue in favour of this, a large portion of the young are more ambivalent, whilst the dynamics of the ruptures and withdrawals are reinforced by social, family and school dynamics.
In this book Ousman Kobo analyzes the origins of Wahhabi-inclined reform movements in two West African countries. Commonly associated with recent Middle Eastern influences, reform movements in Ghana and Burkina Faso actually began during the twilight of European colonial rule in the 1950s and developed from local doctrinal contests over Islamic orthodoxy. These early movements in turn gradually evolved in ways sympathetic to Wahhabi ideas. Kobo also illustrates the modernism of this style of Islamic reform. The decisive factor for most of the movements was the alliance of secularly educated Muslim elites with Islamic scholars to promote a self-consciously modern religiosity rooted in the Prophet Muhammad's traditions. This book therefore provides a fresh understanding of the indigenous origins of "Wahhabism."
Recent studies have described the active participation of women in local associations as well as in public and national debates about secularism, the Family code, and women's rights within Islam. In this article, I explore how female preachers have claimed a new role for women within Islam through a better knowledge and understanding of Islamic texts. In doing so, these women drew on modernist speeches made by men, used the media and aligned themselves with international movements with the aim of claiming a new social identity for their sisters in Islam, establishing greater equality between men and women in the religion, and finding a way of being a good mother and woman while maintaining an independent social position. In fact, these female preachers sought to spark a quiet yet real social revolution in religion by casting a critical and modernist eye on local cultural traditions and Islamic identity.
Interest in the question of youth and Islam in West Africa stems from the overwhelming demographic weight of youth and their relatively recent incursion into the public domain, as well a wave of Islamic revivalism that has swept across Africa from the late 1970s on. In this paper, we propose to examine the sociopolitical role of young men in Islamic revivalist movements that occurred in urban centers in Côte d'Ivoire, Burkina Faso and Senegal in the 1980-1990s. Such movements were particularly popular among secularly educated young men who attended French-speaking schools. While the role of young men in revivalist movements suggests new configurations of authority and charisma, their religious agency remains closely embedded within relationships that extend across generations. Here, we examine instances of conflicts between generations and pay attention to sites of negotiation, such as mosques and voluntary associations.
This article introduces and analyses concepts and interpretations of piety among Muslim women in urban Burkina Faso and compares them with the understanding of these same concepts in other parts of West Africa. Through personal histories of chosen informants it observes the gap between the discourse and the practice and attempts to understand why these individuals, who most often operate within the same conceptual frames, in practice often do not see or do the things in the same way.
The article describes and analyse the paratextual elements (annotations) in Soninke and Manding languages in the manuscripts from modern-day Senegal, the Gambia, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Mali and Burkina Faso. It focuses on specific layout of the annotations in relation to the main text, the linking and tagging/labelling techniques applied to connect them to the source text, their linguistic features and other peculiarities.